The GOP vs. Public Media: Why Republicans Want To Kill PBS

In a move that’s equal parts political theater and constitutional overreach, Donald Trump just signed an executive order aimed at stripping federal funding from PBS and NPR. The order, titled “Ending Taxpayer Subsidization of Biased Media,” claims that public broadcasters have lost their objectivity and thus should lose their funding. Specifically, it directs the Corporation for Public Broadcasting (CPB)—the primary pipeline for federal funds to both NPR and PBS—to cut ties with what Trump dubs “left-leaning propaganda.”

But here’s the thing: CPB isn’t part of the executive branch. It was created by Congress as an independent nonprofit, and it’s shielded by law from political interference. That means an executive order alone can’t just flip a switch and defund Big Bird, Nova, or All Things Considered. Federal funding to CPB is controlled by Congress, not the president. So while this stunt may rile up Trump’s base, in practice, it’s more bark than bite—at least for now.

Trump isn’t the first Republican president to try and yank the mic from public media. Richard Nixon pushed hard to defund CPB after PBS aired critical coverage of the Vietnam War and his own administration. Ronald Reagan, ever the budget hawk, tried to zero out funding multiple times during the ’80s, though Congress repeatedly restored it. George H. W. Bush appointed CPB board members who openly questioned NPR’s value. And in the 1990s, the Gingrich-led House proposed axing the CPB entirely, calling it “unnecessary government spending.” Even George W. Bush’s administration supported CPB cuts while nudging it to steer content away from what they viewed as liberal bias. The attacks aren’t new—just recycled with a fresh coat of outrage and culture war rhetoric.

Back in the Reagan era, public broadcasting was regularly targeted for budget cuts, with conservatives painting it as elitist or too “East Coast liberal” for taxpayer dollars. Newt Gingrich made it a culture war talking point in the ’90s, and even George W. Bush’s administration flirted with cutting CPB support while accusing public radio of bias. But time and again, the public has pushed back—because despite the smear campaigns, PBS and NPR consistently rank among the most trusted media sources in the country.

One of the most iconic moments in the history of public broadcasting came in 1969, when Fred Rogers—yes, that Mr. Rogers—testified before the U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Communications. PBS funding was on the chopping block, and Senator John Pastore, a known skeptic, was leading the charge to slash it. But in just six calm, heartfelt minutes, Rogers made the case for children’s programming, emotional education, and the value of compassion. He didn’t yell. He didn’t grandstand. He simply recited the lyrics to one of his songs and explained how his show helped children process feelings. By the end of his testimony, even Pastore was moved, famously saying, “Looks like you just earned the $20 million.” That single moment didn’t just save PBS—it proved that empathy could be a political force.

So why keep going after them? Easy. They’re a soft target in the culture wars. Defunding public media has never really been about fiscal responsibility—it’s about silencing platforms that don’t parrot the party line. It’s political posturing disguised as budget conservatism. And Trump, more than anyone, knows how to weaponize the media narrative.

Still, the biggest danger isn’t that the order will work—it likely won’t without Congress. The real threat is the erosion of trust. When you drag respected institutions through the mud long enough, some of that dirt sticks. And if public media dies by a thousand political cuts, what we’re left with is an infotainment wasteland—louder, dumber, and a whole lot easier to manipulate. So yeah, Sesame Street is safe for now—but if we don’t fight to keep truth-tellers funded and free, who knows what the future will hold for independent journalism and public programming.